Udhampur: Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday said that  40 years of bloodshed in Jammu and Kashmir has not benefitted anyone. He exhorted the youth in Kashmir valley to choose tourism over terrorism for ensuring the state’s development and well-being.

Addressing a public meeting after dedicating India’s longest road tunnel that links Kashmir Valley with Jammu, Mr. Modi reminded the stone-pelters of the valley that stones can be used for better purposes — building infrastructure. He said that Kashmir Valley would have  been on the top of the world tourism list had terrorism not spread. 

Mr. Modi also hit out at Pakistan eyeing Kashmir, saying, they can’t even take care of themselves. He said that his government is committed to ensure fast-paced development of Jammu and Kashmir, which would show the people living under occupation in the other parts of the state how they are being destroyed.

The Chenani-Nashri Tunnel is an all-weather route that reduces the distance between Jammu and Kashmir Valley  by 31 kilometers. Jammu and Kashmir Governor N N Vohra and Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti were also present on the occasion. 

The 9-km long Chenani-Nashri Tunnel was built at the cost of Rs. 2,500 crore rupees. It bypasses the snow-bound upper reaches of Patnitop and reduces the journey time by two hours. 

The tunnel is equipped with world-class security systems and smart features like Integrated Traffic Control System; Surveillance, Ventilation and Broadcast Systems; Fire Fighting System; and SOS call-boxes at every 150 metres. There is also a parallel escape tunnel, with ‘Cross Passages’ connecting to the main tunnel at intervals of 300 metres.

As the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s ideological mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has chalked out its plans in striving to establish a Hindu Rashtra. It has slowly but surely begun to spread its wings by assuming the political leadership in the states. It started with Haryana and now has its chief ministers firmly ensconced in Uttarakhand and crucial Uttar Pradesh.    

Winning a landslide in the most populous state in the country makes the BJP the frontrunner in the upcoming general elections two years later in 2019. This has been possible in great measure to the RSS workers chipping away tirelessly on the ground facilitating the Lotus party in winning elections particularly in UP after a gap of 14 years. 

It all began with the installation of Narendra Modi as Prime Minister in May 2014. The RSS has since fine-tuned and consolidated its strategy after a setback in the assembly elections in Bihar in 2015. Winning the recent assembly elections in UP, Uttarakhand coupled with quick thinking in forming governments in Goa and Manipur has paid the BJP rich dividends. In Punjab the Congress won comfortably. 

Modi’s relentless campaigning as evidenced in UP puts him in a league of his own rendering his opponents as mere also rans. The trend of RSS men taking over the political leadership in the states is ominous. The hardliner from Gorakhpur — Yogi Adityanath being catapulted to the chief minister in Lucknow — was only waiting to happen.  

The Yogi has made the right noises so far. At the same time the crackdown on unlicensed slaughter houses cannot be questioned. The result has been a meat crisis all over UP forcing meat sellers to go on strike since Monday last. There is tension in certain parts of the state as it is mostly Muslims in the meat trade. 

The Yogi, who has begun work in right earnest, has asked all departments to prioritise tasks that can be achieved in the first 100 days of his government. Simultaneously, he needs to ensure that he does not project himself as a radical Hindu zealot out to harm the minorities. He also needs to send an unambiguous message that violence against and intimidation of ordinary citizens by political parties or pro-Hindutva squads or the cops themselves will not be tolerated. 

While the Prime Minister says India is now a nation that meets the dreams of its youth, Adityanath has invariably undermined the choices, freedoms and rights that the youth are entitled to in a civilised society. 

The RSS wants to quicken the pace of saffronisation now that the BJP has a majority of its own in the Lok Sabha. During the Prime Ministership of Atal Behari Vajpayee from 1999 to 2004 the RSS was helpless as the BJP led NDA government was a 26-party disparate coalition. An understanding reached by the NDA was that the Vajpayee government will steer clear of implementing the controversial three-point agenda of the RSS. These pertained to building the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution according special status to Jammu and Kashmir and implementing the Uniform Civil Code. 

The keenness of the RSS to bash on regardless in the prevailing circumstances with Modi as the Head of Government is not surprising. Its leadership has been emboldened with the staggering win in UP reminiscent of the outcome in the 2014 general elections. It is clear that this assembly win is no flash in the pan.

What is becoming apparent is that it will not be easy to brush aside the RSS as evidenced in Gujarat when Modi was the chief minister. Under these circumstances Modi might be compelled to contest the 2019 general elections for a second term as Prime Minister on the Hindu card. He has been known to be a fighter and has not thrown in the towel in the past. 

The Prime Minister has affirmed time and time again that he will abide by the provisions of the Constitution. What cannot be lost sight of is that this country has the second largest Muslim population after Indonesia. It is not easy to get rid of them. 

The RSS has ensured installing its key men in historical and research organisations to rewrite history in keeping with its own perspective. The development agenda being pursued by Modi has to be dovetailed with the Hindutva agenda of the RSS.   

Development is bound to be the dominant theme coupled with Hindutva and pro-poor programmes with variations in the schemes connected with the “garibi hatao” slogan of the late Indira Gandhi during her Prime Ministership. 

Modi has sent the opposition to the dog house in UP twice in a span of three years. Be that as it may the Congress as well as the regional parties like the SP and BSP have been made toothless. 

Having spent more than a week in office Adityanath has shown he means business. Jharkhand, another BJP ruled state, has also decided to shut down illegal abbatoirs. At the same time it has become necessary for the Lotus party to assure the people that their focus is on development rather than whipping up anti-Muslim hysteria.   

The SP is in a shambles in UP because of the conflict in the Yadav family. With Patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav, his son and erstwhile chief minister of UP Akhilesh Yadav having called separate meetings, a split appears inevitable.  

There is mounting clamour in the Congress to restructure and overhaul the party. The leadership of Congress Vice President and heir apparent Rahul Gandhi has failed to enthuse the party. It has gone from bad to worse as evidenced in UP. 

(T R Ramachandran is senior journalist and commentator. The views are personal.)

Vice-President M. Hamid Ansari on said that former President Dr. A.P.J. Kalam was a “man of technology’’ who not only contributed to the progress of defence research organisations but had a way with younger people and motivated them.

Speaking after releasing the book “The People’s President A P J Abdul Kalam’’, written by S,M. Khan who had served as Press Secretary to Dr. Kalam during his presidency from 2002-2007, the Vice President said the book presents an insider’s account and is an important document chronicling different aspects of Dr. Kalam’s life. “Dr. Kalam always showed an eagerness to reach out to the younger generation and students,’’ he said.  It was in July last year that Dr. Kalam collapsed and died following a massive heart attack while delivering a lecture in Shillong. Ironically, he breathed his last among young students whom he much adored and loved to spend his time interacting with them and teaching them to keep their dreams alive and realise them.   

Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley described Dr. Kalam as an “unconventional President’’ with an “unconventional mind’’ who always had a vibrant air of positivity around him. “He was not cynical and exuded positiveness and was very positive about India’s bright future and wanted to see India as a developed nation by 2020,’’ the Finance Minister said.

Mr. Jaitley also recalled his numerous interactions with Dr. Kalam during his presidential tenure at Rashtrapati Bhavan, saying his style and simplicity charmed the people. He recalled Dr. Kalam’s interaction with students in Shri Ram College of Commerce (SRCC) in Delhi University when moments after emarking in his car he rushed back for an impromptu photo session with the 20 students who had asked him questions. “Such was his simple and spontaneous nature and unconventional approach as President,’’ he recalled.

Another interesting anecdote, Mr. Jaitley said, pertained to the dissolution of the Lok Sabha in 2004 by the then Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. Mr. Jaitley said that he and the Attorney-General Soli Sorabjee had to spend quite some time with Dr. Kalam answering his queries relating to Constitutional provisions. He described Mr. Khan, the author, as a balanced, fair, conscientious and committed civil servant who has served in different capacities in the Indian Information Service and is currently Registrar General of Newspapers in India (RNI).

Mr. Khan said that he had made an attempt in the book to pen down various facets of Dr. Kalam’s life during his tenure in Rashtrapati Bhavan. Dr. Kalam was an inspiration for scientists and it was his vision of the series of missiles that produced Agni, Prithvi, Trishul and Nag, Mr. Khan recalled.

“Dr. Kalam’s accessibility and generous humanism made him immensely popular among people. He developed a grip over legal, judicial and constitutional issues. He was the first President to have returned a bill to the Lok Sabha for reconsideration under Article 111 but when Lok Sabha sent it back to him, he took just a few days to sign it and did not sit over it,’’ Mr. Khan said.

He narrated an incident when a student asked him about population growth in the country. “I am innocent. I have not added to the population,’’ was Dr. Kalam’s witty reply . However, later he explained the problem in detail. Another question which he faced often was about the highlight of the Indian civilization to which his answer used to be “real open mind, tolerant mindset and pluralism,’’, Mr. Khan reveals in the book which is replete with many such instances.

While Dr. Kalam was at ease with students and children, he also enjoyed his breakfast sessions with MPs in Rashtrapati Bhavan. He studied Quran and Gita with equal ease and attention and also played Veena.

About 700 years back Patan was the capital of a powerful kingdom.The greatness and splendour of the town have been described by a number of poets and chroniclers. Anhilpur covered an area of eleven kos; and within this had several temples and schools. It had 84 squares, 84 bazaars, and a mint to manufacture gold and silver coins. Different castes lived in their respective localities and there were specific areas where ivory, silk cloths, diamonds, pearls, rubies, aromatic bath oils and other merchandise were sold. 

There was a separate market for bankers, Doctors, artisans, goldsmiths, sailors, bards, genealogists, each had a market of their own. The description might be exaggerated but it is undeniable that Anhilpur-Patan was once a prosperous, sprawling and attractive town. Seated here were Kathis of the lineage of Raja Karan — terrifying figures over six feet tall, strong limbed, cat eyed and brown haired; Kolis, short statured but well built, bow and arrow at their waists; dark and vigorous Bhils, professional looters and fearless warriers; and Rajput soldiers of more refined visage and superior status but valorous nonetheless. 

Madhav was effectively the ruler being Karan Raja’s Prime Minister. He managed all the business of government. The King was a mere puppet and Madhav the defacto ruler. In the book “Gujarat’s last Rajput King — Karan Ghelo’, Dalpatram Dayabhai like many other liberal Western educated Gujaratis including the author Nandshankar Mehta was convinced that whatever the drawbacks of British Rule, it would restore Gujarat to its former glory. Lamenting the passing away of a glorious past he wonders who would believe that the indolent weak and the decadent Rajputs of today descended from the valiant race that once ruled the land? Who would believe that the weak starving illiterate Muslims of today have descended from the Muslims of yore? And as for the Marathas no trace of their former glory survives. However Mehta does not despair and prays under British rule Gujarat may rise from the ashes once more to become a garden of paradise, the abode of Lakshmi, the storehouse of all virtue. 

The story of Karan Vaghela is a tale of love and passion, revenge and remorse. The Raja was brave but thoughtless and a pleasure loving Rajput King, abducts Roopsundari, the wife of Madhav whose brother is killed as he tries to protect her. In revenge Madhav goes to Delhi where he persuades Sultan Allauddin Khilji to attack Gujarat. The attack succeeds and Karan loses not only his kingdom but his wife Kaularani and a few years later his daughter Devaldevi as well to the Turkish sultan. He gains the epithet ‘Ghelo’ (foolish). 

The Turkish conquest was a turning point in the history of Gujarat, and it was not long before the story of Madhav’s betrayal, the humiliating defeat of Karan Vaghela and the fall of the great city of Anhilpur-Patan. Khilji’s invasion was recorded in contemporary Jain chronicles. Karan Raja’s story was not confined to Gujarati sources alone. The events that led to his fateful second encounter with Khilji’s forces and the capture of his daughter Devaldevi were described in considerable detail by Amir Khusrau, Khilji’s famous court poet. Then there is the tragic romance between Devaldevi and Khilji’s son Khizr Khan after she is brought to Delhi. 

Mehta’s historic novel Karan Ghelo in 1866 was a runaway success. As the first modern novel written in Gujarati, the book was a landmark in literature. It remained immensely popular right into the twentieth century and until a few decades ago was used as a textbook in Gujarati medium schools. Interestingly the novel has never been out of print. It has caught the attention of academics seeking to probe the roots of Gujarati regional identity. 

The second half of Karan Ghelo is based in Baglan where he managed to establish himself with the assistance of Ramdev, the Maratha ruler of Devgadh. Here he lives a solitary life, his only consolation being his daughter Devaldevi. Kaularani, now a favourite of Khilji, asks the sultan to get her daughter Devaldevi back either willingly or by force. The sultan orders the generals to secure Devaldevi. 

When Karan refuses to give her up he is attacked by the sultan’s forces. In need of Maratha support Karan reluctantly agrees to marry Devaldevi to Shankaldev, the prince of Devgadh, though he deems him to be inferior in status. Before she can reach her new home she is captured and taken to Delhi. 

The author sees Devaldevi’s clandestine meetings with Shankaldev from her point of view. Her feverish longing reveals Devaldevi as more than just a prize to be fought over by Turks and Hindus but a young woman capable of independent thought and feelings. The blossoming of love between Devaldevi and Shankaldev gives Mehta an opportunity to make an impassioned plea against arranged and child marriage in particular. They reflect the reformist agenda of the 19th Century with which the author was so closely involved.

Mehta was part of the English educated intelligentsia of the nineteenth century Gujarat. He joined hands with other colleagues to establish the Manav Dharma Sabha and was an enthusiastic member of the 

Buddhivardhank Sabha which was set up in Bombay in 1851. Both organisations were strong champions of issues such as women’s education, widow remarriage, and the removal of the caste ban on foreign travel. They were vocal in their condemnation of untouchability and challenged superstitions, the belief in magic spells and ghosts and spirits. Perhaps even more daring is the manner in which Mehta portrays the relationship between Madhav and Roopsundari. As a woman who was abducted and had to become part of the kings’s harem, she is a fallen woman, a ‘polluted commmodity’. Yet Madhav does not reject or abandon her after Patan falls and she is rescued. On the contrary the two embrace passionately…..laughing and weeping with ‘joy’, their love as strong as before. The couple undergo the mandatory purificatory rites and treat it as a mere formality.

In the first edition of Karan Ghelo, the author disclosed his intention of writing the book to draw as accurately as possible a picture of how things were at the time of the story — the manners of the men and women of the time and their way of thinking; the principles of government of the Rajput kings of Gujarat and the Muslim emperors of Delhi; the heroism and the pride of caste of the men and women of Rajasthan and the passion and religious fanaticism of the Muslims. A highly readable book which provides the flavour of age old love, passion and palace intrigues of the times. 

It has been over 16 years since Uttarakhand was formed, and since then the state saw three Assembly elections in 2002, 2007 and 2012. But the 2017 Assembly elections, where the winning party crossed 40-seat mark and losing party went below 15, will be seen as a watershed moment in the history of the hill state for following reason

BJP winning 57 seats out of 70 is a clear mandate for Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led campaign in Uttarakhand where people have voted for development and progress. While Narendra Modi sought votes on his agenda promising development and progress of the state and highlighted failures of Harish Rawat Government, the latter choose to follow a negative campaign which backfired. Moreover, the last year’s corruption sting also went against him.

The massive mandate for BJP is a clear rejection of the functioning style of outgoing Chief Minister Harish Rawat where he single-handedly tried to run both the Government and the Congress. It is rejection of ‘One-Man-Show’ style of politics in the state. On the other hand, BJP with leaders from all regions of the state worked as a united force which led to its thumping victory.

While Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and other local leaders like B.C. Khanduri, Ramesh Pokhriyal, B.S. Koshyari, Vijay Bahuguna, Ajay Tamta, Satpal Maharaj along with Central Ministers frequented every corner of the state, Harish Rawat erred in thinking that he has the mass appeal and could spearhead the campaign. No senior central Congress leader was seen in the campaign. Harish Rawat pole-vaulting from Kumaon to Garhwal to Terai to his two constituencies failed to make any impact.

Harish Rawat’s experiment to contest from two seats failed. It was a first-of-its-kind experiment in Uttarakhand which backfired for a stalwart leader like Harish Rawat. In future, any leader will think twice before taking such a step. The earlier case of such foolhardy was seen in 1991 when Narayan Dutt Tiwari won Haldwani assembly seat in undivided Uttar Pradesh but lost the Nainital Lok Sabha seat, a step, as political pundits say, cost him the seat of Prime Minister.

Uttarakhand is primarily a hill state. An incumbent Chief Minister, who hails from Almora, deciding not to contest from an assembly segment in the hill districts sent wrong message in the electorate, which was also successfully flagged by the BJP. Harish Rawat was seen as a leader who has migrated to the plains and not ready to face electorate in the hills. This mistake was one of the major reasons for Congress’ debacle in Uttarakhand.

Harish Rawat had won the sobriquet of ‘Ghoshna Mukhyagmantri’ (Chief Minister busy making announcements) as promises made were not being reflected on the ground. On the other hand, talks of Harish Rawat getting surrounded by a coterie while genuine party workers getting sidelined grew stronger in the party a well as in the general public, which created anti-Rawat sentiment in the public. Moreover, last year’s desertion of 10-Congress MLAs, majority of which belonged to Garhwal region, sowed seeds of discontentment against Harish Rawat particularly in the Garhwal region. As Congress looked weaker, BJP gained strength across the state.

One major factor behind massive loss of the Congress was Harish Rawat’s announcement granting 90-minute break to Muslim employees for offering Namaz on Friday. It was made just before the elections which sent a wrong message amongst the ‘Hindu’ electorate. The issue was immediately grabbed by the BJP. Though Harish Rawat later said such concessions would be given to people of all faiths, it only sullied his image. 

“Dealing With China” is a first hand account of a trusted advisor who maintains the Communist giant’s transformation to an economic superpower is as spectacular as it has been swift. Its author former US Secretary of the Treasury Henry M. Paulson Jr. believes China may have already outstripped the great run of the US after the civil war and they are not done yet. It is the land of superlatives. 

It is the biggest creditor of the US now, owning just under $1.3 trillion of its debt. The real issue is how does the US deal with China which seeks to challenge the US led order in Asia. The Dragon appears unwilling or unable to prevent the cybertheft of intellectual property from the US companies along with tightening its grip on Chinese society through an auhoritarian one party system of government that Americans dislike and don’t understand. 

What do the Chinese really want? Why are they spending so much money on their military? Are they friends or enemies, trading partners or commercial and geopolitical adversaries? The question uppermost in the minds of Americans is “how do we deal with China?” 

Having said that Hank Paulson as he is popularly known goes behind closed doors to witness the creation, evolution and future of China’s state controlled capitalism. His work in China over the last two decades has taken him to that country no less than a 100 times. 

He has worked closely with at least the last three administrations in China: Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji in the 1990s, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao in the early years of the century; and Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang at the present moment. Despite the inherent fears he maintains that the US will benefit from active engagement with China. 

The Chinese are formidable competitors but the “US should not fear competition or shrink from it.” At the same time China’s leaders know too well their country’s vulnerabilities. The “China model” has spawned a misconception of representing a better form of capitalism that is triumphing even as the US fades into decline. The pace of China’s prodigious growth is slowing down, making market reforms at once more urgent and difficult to achieve. 

The country’s 7.4 per cent increase in GDP in 2014 came in under the official forecast for the first time in 16 years — and many experts expect further decline in the growth rate. Meanwhile years of neglect has left the environment a near disaster that has sparked growing restiveness among China’s citizens. 

Given the US-China relationship no law is immutable. The key to avoiding hostile relationship is to get things done that benefits both the US and China. For all the potential flashpoints between the two countries, “we share far more interests — spurring global growth, combating climate change, maintaining peace and stability. It is imperative to turn common concerns into complementary policies and actions. Our task will be much more difficult, if not impossible, to solve if the world’s two most important economic powers work against each other,” stresses Paulson. 

As head of Goldman Sachs he played a pivotal role in opening up China to private enterprise. 

Deng Xiaoping had been the chief architect of the extraordinary changes sweeping China. With Savvy, will power, and relentless pragmatism he had shucked ideological chains to devise a unique brand of “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” introduced market principles and encouraged individual enterprise throughout the economy starting with agriculture and extending to industrial and financial areas. 

These initiatives begun in 1978 had been nothing short of spectacular. After the economic and political turmoil of Mao’s last years, China’s gross domestic product had soared by nearly double digit average annual increases for two decades, lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. 

In February 1997 Paulson had flown from Hong Kong to Beijing a little on edge to meet Vice Premier Zhu Rongji, the country’s economic czar. Being the President and CEO of Goldman Sachs, his discussions with Zhu revolved on restructuring China’s telecommunications system through an offering of shares in a newly formed Hong Kong listed company. 

He (Zhu) had been plucked by Deng as Mayor of Shanghai and installed as Vice Premier in 1991. Officially the country’s economic portfolio fell under Premier Li Peng, Zhu ran the economy day- to-day and expected to succeed Premier Li Peng. 

Zhu had done a first rate job. When the economy overheated in 1993 he had taken charge of the central bank and put in place a series of tough austerity measures and smart administrative fixes battling inflation which would rise no more than 20 per cent before he guided China to a soft landing. 

The 15th National Congress of the Communist party held in September 1997 cemented the path of economic reform in China.To counter the uneasiness in some quarters about the rapidly growing role of private enterprise, Chinese leader Jiang Zemin asserted that the party did not control all aspects of the economy to stay true to its identity. 

When Zhu became Premier the whip hand driving reform became sharper than ever. He gave state owned enterprises three years to become profitable by cutting workers and upgrading technology or be restructured out of existence. He proposed cutting China’s army of 8 million bureaucrats in half and paring the number of ministries from 40 to 29. Three new ministries were created including one for labour and social welfare to deal with layoffs resulting from downsizing. Zhu’s aim was to move government out of business. 

Paulson maintains the way forward is for the US to benefit from the successes of China which is the fastest export market for America. Despite fears in the US, China is not an unstoppable power house that has invented a better economic model and will soon take over the world. 

On the contrary China’s economic system is sorely in need of an overhaul and has few imitators. Its political system has none. Either can lead to irrational responses and mistakes in the way one deals with China. If President Xi, one of the most powerful leaders in decades in China, and his fellow leaders seek what they call a “new model of great power relations” with the US, it is because they want to be treated like a major power while avoiding conflict as they continue to modernise and grow their economy. 

Xi told Paulson in 2014 “My concern is mainly reform and related issues. To enjoy good environment for development in China, we also need a good external environment. So our path will be a peaceful one.”

Despite China’s recent assertiveness deliberatively seeking out conflict especially with the US would be stupid. None the less they are running the risk of jeopardising their economic interests through a military or security conflict in the region. For their part China abuts four major powers with which it has fought wars, skirmishes or proxy battles over the last 75 years: Japan, India, Russia and the US. 

China has done very well inside the global economic and governance system largely shaped by America after Word War II. But there should be no illusions that China will simply accept this system in its exact form forever. Indeed China has been testing alternatives. In the final analysis the self induced weakness is more of a problem for the US than for China. Once the US has dealt with its own problems it will find it far easier to deal with China. “Dealing with China” is a highly engrossing and captivating book unmasking the new economic superpower.