“

Article121.pngWith conventional higher education the world over continuing to be beset by access, cost and productivity challenges, Open and Distance Learning (ODL) institutions should speak of their founding ideals and more explicitly evaluate their progress. “”There has never been a greater need for innovative institutions. Immense benefit would come from constructive tracking and disclosure of key student and institutional performance metrics. The tide is turning in favour of niche ODL solutions,”” says a report on “”The State of Open Universities in the Commonwealth: A Perspective on Performance, Competition and Innovation”” authored by Richard Garrett of The Observatory on Borderless Higher Education.

Commissioned by the Commonwealth of Learning (COL), the report says specialist ODL universities, in the Commonwealth and worldwide, are one of the marvels of modern higher education, challenging long-held assumptions and offering a ladder of opportunity to millions. In 2015, as mature providers and amid new competition from both conventional universities and start-ups, specialist ODL universities offer many lessons but need to speak more directly to their strengths and the new reality.

On enrollment patterns, the study says while all the mature ODL institutions embody great achievement over time and are unique in scale and scope in local settings, the recent enrollment picture is very mixed. Although about half of the sample institutions have continued to grow strongly in recent years, the other half have suffered recent enrollment decline or loss of market share, along with financial difficulty in some cases. Each institution is different, but these trajectories speak to the mainstreaming of forms of ODL, particularly online learning, across conventional universities.

Regarding limitations and potential of ODL, the report argues that there is a tension between the typical ODL student experience and the capabilities, situations and preferences of many ODL students. ODL institutions either serve non-traditional students for whom the conventional university is impractical or address a traditional campus capacity gap for traditional-age students. “By definition, the typical ODL student experience — wherein the student ultimately has limited contact with faculty and other students — requires greater dedication and self discipline than what is expected from a conventional student, and it is certainly less familiar.’’

“”The model works well for some students, who come to prefer it, but is an often vexing challenge for many others. The circumstances and backgrounds of many ODL students, particularly at the undergraduate level, can render the delivery mode as much a hurdle as an enabler unless expertly handled. In any large, decentralised institution with significant faculty autonomy, the gap between the theory of ODL pedagogy and the reality at the individual course level can be large and uneven. Of course, the conventional university experience is a struggle for many students,”” the study says while pointing out that legacy ODL — conventional online learning included — succeeds in accessibility and convenience much more than in experience and outcomes. This reality constrains the power and potential of specialist ODL institutions. These institutions also have yet to make a convincing case for the pedagogical merits of scale.

The Commonwealth of Learning (COL) is an intergovernmental organisation created by Commonwealth Heads of Government to promote the development and sharing of open learning and distance education knowledge, resources and technologies. The goal of this report is to critically examine one of the marvels of modern higher education: specialist open and distance learning (ODL) universities. These institutions, such as The Open University (UKOU), Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU) and the University of South Africa (UNISA), have pioneered radically innovative instructional and support methods, opening pathways for vast numbers of non-traditional students.

Today, there are dedicated ODL higher education institutions in many Commonwealth countries, but in most cases, ODL is no longer first and foremost the domain of specialists. In the 1990s, the rise of online learning promised a range of enhancements to legacy forms of ODL, in terms of interaction, engagement and simulation, and attracted the attention of both conventional universities and the private sector. New models were characterised as means to advance the perennial goals of ODL — to widen access to higher education and lower cost whilst maintaining quality — but also as tools to address the issues of affordability and productivity in mainstream higher education. The online learning explosion paralleled the massification of higher education worldwide, creating new capacity, cost and quality pressures at the system level.

This project relied on secondary data. Institutional and organisational websites and specialist literature were the main sources. This report aims to evaluate specialist ODL institutions in the Commonwealth in an environment of competition and scrutiny, where clarity of purpose and transparency of value are essential. The institutions which were evaluated were: Athabasca University (AU, Canada), Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU, India), National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), Open Universities Australia (OUA), The Open University (UKOU, United Kingdom) ,Open University Malaysia (OUM), Open University of Sri Lanka (OUSL), University of South Africa (UNISA), University of the South Pacific (USP),and University of the West Indies (UWI).

All of the sample institutions were large by some measure, ranging from the giant IGNOU — one of the largest universities in the world, with over 700,000 students — to USP, with about 25,000, comparable to a mid-sized conventional university in many countries. All the institutions offer undergraduate and post-graduate programming, but undergraduate students dominate, constituting 80–90 per cent of the population in most cases.

“”All of the sample institutions have grown strongly since foundation, and many have exhibited strong or steady growth in recent years. Some have suffered fluctuation or even marked decline. The biggest case of decline is IGNOU, which scaled back a large “community college” and international alliances initiative, citing quality concerns, thereby relinquishing hundreds of thousands of students in the process. UKOU has seen enrollment fall by a quarter since 2010/11, following the introduction of higher tuition fees for all UK undergraduates. Whilst full-time undergraduate enrollment nationally recovered after an initial blip following the introduction of higher fees, part-time student enrollments, on which UKOU depends, have fallen sharply — there were 30 per cent fewer new part-time undergraduates in the UK in 2013/14 than in 2010/11. This is despite government funding that offers part-time undergraduates a means-tested loan with no repayments until three years after the start of their studies, and only after a certain income threshold has been reached. Prior to the introduction of higher fees, part-time students were not eligible for financial support. The theory behind the enrollment decline is that prospective part time students may be debt averse and particularly concerned about higher fees,’’ the study points out.

All sample institutions were founded to broaden access to higher education, but few publish much detail on student characteristics. For example, the IGNOU website states: Specific efforts shall be made for providing access to education and equity in opportunities to women, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, the rural population, the remote areas, tribal regions, differently-abled, and the socially and economically weaker sections of society.

“”However, the site appears to offer no data to permit a clearer understanding of how enrollment breaks down across such groupings, or comparisons with figures for the general population or higher education overall,”” the report says.

“”IGNOU notes alliances with 29 international institutions, mostly in the Middle East and Africa, and a desire to serve the Indian diaspora, but few details appear to be in the public domain. As previously noted, IGNOU announced a freeze on international activity, following concerns about Quality Assurance.””

The term “open and distance institution” covered a wide range of models and arrangements in the sample. Some institutions are wholly distance based, whilst others run substantial numbers of in-person classes. Some operate multiple regional centres. Some operate largely online but all also deploy other forms of distance learning, with online delivery as one component. Here, the study examined each sample institution in turn. IGNOU employs multiple delivery modes. Most students use print-based self-study materials, with the option of in-person or telephone/video conferencing for interaction with “counsellors” (i.e., non-faculty support staff). IGNOU runs 56 regional centres, each of which oversees often many more study centres, numbering over 3,000 in total. There is a regional centre in most parts of India. Regional centres offer library and audio-visual facilities as well as Internet access. Regional centre staff train local counsellors, conduct certain examinations and liaise with local authorities. For students in highly practice-based programmes, some regional and study centres offer specialised equipment. IGNOU runs its own radio and television channels, often satellite-based, offering another way for learners to study. The television programmes are now archived on YouTube. The university also runs about 20 online degree and sub-degree programmes, primarily at the post-graduate level. There appear to be no IGNOU data showing enrollment distribution by delivery mode, and no doubt many students use multiple modes. Clear enrollment distribution by delivery mode is missing at most sample institutions.

The study concludes that despite often decades of experience, many mature ODL institutions sustain a mixed reputation for academic quality, and none in the sample squarely reports on student performance. No sample institution provides a graduation rate or makes detailed comparisons with conventional universities. Whilst the implication is not explicit, this absence suggests that student attrition is typically quite high. Of course, there are good reasons why ODL institutions do not report “simple” student performance data, such as a graduation rate.

The “open” nature of these institutions means that some students may enroll quite casually, may be interested in completing just a course or two rather than a degree, or may transfer to a conventional institution. Another issue is that some ODL institutions encourage significant credit transfer, which complicates graduation rates. If one student enters with half the credits towards a degree but another enters with none, hence, making it difficult to compare the two in terms of time to completion, or attrition.”

“

Article120.pngBihar chief minister Nitish Kumar making a bid for the Prime Ministership of the country has rattled the Congress party. The wily politician has underlined the the need for all non-BJP parties coming together for defeating the Lotus party in the 2019 general elections. On its part the busy bodies in the 130-year-old party want to know if Kumar visualises any role for their heir apparent and Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi who has failed to infuse confidence in the rank and file or catch the imagination of the people.

Unity among non-BJP parties

Having called for a “”Sangh Mukt Bharat”” akin to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s “”Congress Mukt Bharat”” and realising the futility of such slogans, the wily Kumar changed tack within 48 hours emphasising that without all the non-BJP parties joining hands it will be difficult to beat the saffron brigade. RJD supremo Lalu Prasad Yadav wasted no time in backing Kumar for the top executive job in the country. In some ways he is trying to get even with the Congress for forcing him to join the Mahagatbandhan along with accepting Kumar’s leadership in Bihar resulting in BJP’s defeat in last year’s assembly elections in the state.

Kumar, who took over as the JD (U) president recently, has already got cracking on his ambitious plan of trying to merge parties beginning with Ajit Singh’s RLD, who has listed his conditions, and Babulal Marandi’s JVM. He has also announced taking his prohibition drive to other states as well.

Imponderables in Nitish’s PM ambitions

There are imponderables galore in Kumar’s Prime Ministerial ambitions. For one it is bound to come into conflict with the aspirations of Congress vice-president and heir apparent Rahul Gandhi. There can be any number of permutation and combinations in case the Congress emerges as the single largest entity among all the non-BJP parties which appears to be remote. In such a case, it is bound to pitch for the Prime Minister’s job. The Congress has already expressed its reservations emphasising that a grand alliance for defeating the BJP works in the states but not at the centre.

Simultaneously, former BJP Deputy Chief minister Sushil Mody exhorted Kumar to move to national politics as “”governance has suffered and crime has surged in the Bihar.”” In the event of Kumar’s departure from Bihar, Lalu envisions a God sent opportunity for one of his two sons becoming the chief minister in Patna. His younger son Tejasvi is currently the Deputy Chief minister in Kumar’s cabinet and has won praise for focussing on development.

There is suspicion that Kumar is probably toying with the old idea of a non-Congress, non-BJP Front which has remained a non-starter all along. He believes that the BJP is anyway losing the general elections three years hence. That is where he visualises his chances of occupying the seat of power on the majestic Raisina Hill in the national capital. Can the two poles of the BJP and Congress be brushed aside in heading coalition governments at the centre? Evidently Kumar thinks so. It is no secret that the Congress is in the dumps with its lowest ever tally of 44 seats in the 543-member Lok Sabha in the 2014 general elections. It failed to secure even one third of the strength of the Lower House of Parliament for being made the leader of the opposition.

It will, however, be naive on anybody’s part to see the back of the Congress party overnight having been in the vanguard of the freedom struggle. Its leadership is clueless in getting its act together. Except for the odd noises by Rahul Gandhi here and there, it seems to be in a slumber.

On the other hand the RSS as the mentor of the BJP which has been banned twice since Independence, is firmly entrenched at its headquarters in Nagpur. The chances of this “”cultural organisation”” as characterised by former Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani, being proscribed again is ruled out. Kumar has the onerous task of bringing together all those opposed to the BJP. The Janata experiment after the emergency was lifted in 1977 proved to be a disaster. The leaders of its constituents kept pulling in different directions and unabashedly pitched themselves forward as Prime Minister potential leading to its downfall. That attitude has not changed among the host of regional satraps who want their pound of flesh having carved out spheres of influence in their states.

Scenario in UP, Tamil Nadu

BSP supremo Mayawati believes she is in with a strong chance of winning the assembly elections in UP next year. It is unimaginable for the SP chief netaji Mulayam Singh Yadav and Mayawati to come together. The situation is no different in West Bengal as far as the Left Front and chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s TMC are concerned. Then there are the arch rivals in AIADMK and DMK in Tamil Nadu and last but not the least the continuing rumblings in the ruling JD (U)-RJD combine in Bihar. Even at the best of times it is not easy having to contend with oversized egos of too many Prime Ministerial contenders floating around. Such a coalition is doomed even before it has any chance of taking off.

Having been associated with the BJP for 17 years, Kumar broke ranks in 2013 when Modi, who was then the chief minister of Gujarat, being declared the Lotus party’s Prime Ministerial nominee. With Modi assuming the high office on May 26, 2014, the RSS is determined the second time around to implement its three point Hindutva agenda of building a Ram temple at Ayodhya, abrogating Article 370 of the Constitution according special powers to J and K and having a Uniform Civil Code.

The real test for the BJP and and others opposed to it including the SP and BSP will be in the assembly elections in UP next year. It will be deleterious for the BJP if it loses the country’s most populous state in the cow belt with general elections 24 months later in 2019. It is already gearing up its loins for the assembly elections having appointed junior Union minister Keshav Prasad Maurya with strong Sangh moorings as the party president in UP which provides the maximum number of 80 seats in the Lok Sabha and 31 in the 250-member Rajya Sabha.

In the two years that Modi has been Prime Minister there have been brazen instances of intolerance particularly brutal attacks on the members of the minority community by the fringe elements of the Sangh Parivar. This has whipped up a fear psychosis.
BJP leaders have categorised these as law or order problems which is a state subject. Having been associated with the BJP for 17 years, Kumar broke ranks in 2013 when Modi, then chief minister of Gujarat was declared the Lotus party’s Prime Ministerial nominee. When Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee headed a 27-party coalition at the centre from 1998-2004, NDA (I) had adopted a Common Minimum Programme (CMP) shunning the Hindutva agenda.

After the 2014 general elections the BJP could have formed a government on its own as it enjoyed a majority for the first time but decided to continue with its allies thus enabling the NDA to cross the rubicon of 300 and reaching a healthy tally of 340 seats in the Lok Sabha.

The BJP is handicapped being in a minority in the Rajya Sabha and unable to pass crucial economic legislation required for boosting economic development. People are getting increasingly disenchanted with Modi as the much touted lyric “”acche din aane wale hai”” has remained a mirage so far.

The question is can the BJP match its 2014 performance in UP when it won a mind a boggling 71 seats out of 80 in the Lok Sabha. It finished with 73 seats with its allies winning two. Polarisation of votes was total. Lets wait and see if Kumar’s gambit works as politics is the art of the possible.

(T R Ramachandran is a senior journalist and commentator. Views expressed are personal.)“

“

Article119.pngThe World Health Organisation (WHO) has launched a new global strategy to achieve a world free of leprosy. The strategy calls for stronger commitments and accelerated efforts to stop disease transmission and end associated discrimination and stigma. The strategy aims to reduce to zero by 2020 the number of children diagnosed with leprosy and related physical deformities; reduce the rate of newly-diagnosed leprosy patients with visible deformities to less than one per million; and ensure that all legislation that allows for discrimination on the basis of leprosy is overturned.

The key interventions needed to achieve the targets as identified in the strategy include– detecting cases early before visible disabilities occur with a special focus on children as a way to reduce disabilities and reduce transmission; targeting detection among higher risk groups through campaigns in highly endemic areas or communities; and improving health care coverage and access for marginalized population. Screening all close contacts of leprosy affected persons, promoting a shorter and uniform treatment regime; and incorporating specific interventions against stigma and discrimination are the other strategic interventions that endemic countries need to include in their national plans to meet the new targets, it says.

The new strategy builds on the success of previous leprosy control strategies. It has been developed in consultation with national leprosy programs, technical agencies and NGOs, as well as patients and communities affected by leprosy. The strategy focuses on equity and universal health coverage which will contribute to reaching Sustainable Development Goal on health. “”The new global strategy is guided by the principles of initiating action, ensuring accountability and promoting inclusivity. These principles must be embedded in all aspects of leprosy control efforts. A strategy can only be as good as its implementation,”” Dr Poonam Khetrapal Singh, Regional Director, WHO South-East Asia Region, said.

The main and continuing challenges to leprosy control have been the delay in detection of new patients and persisting discrimination against people affected by leprosy which has ensured continued transmission of the disease.  Several leprosy-affected countries still have legislation in place that allows discrimination against people suffering from leprosy. Social stigma impedes early detection of the disease, particularly in children, and increases disabilities.  Stigma also facilitates transmission among vulnerable groups, including migrant populations, displaced communities, the ultra-poor and hard-to-reach population. Combating stigma and ensuring early diagnosis through active case-finding, which the new strategy emphasizes, is critical to making progress.

Leprosy was eliminated globally in the year 2000 with the disease prevalence rate dropping to below 1 per 10,000 population. Though all countries have achieved this rate at the national level, at the sub-national level, it remains an unfinished agenda. Leprosy continues to afflict the vulnerable, causing life-long disabilities in many patients, subjecting them to discrimination, stigma and a life marred with social and economic hardships. Of the 213,899 new cases in 2014, 94% were reported from 13 countries – Bangladesh, Brazil, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Madagascar, Myanmar, Nepal, Nigeria, the Philippines, Sri Lanka and the United Republic of Tanzania. India, Brazil and Indonesia account for 81% of the newly diagnosed and reported cases globally.”

“

Article124.png”” alt=””Article124″” />Countries in the Asia Pacific region have pledged to collaborate to combat the increasing threat of antimicrobial resistance. Drug resistance transcends borders and endangers global health by making life-saving antibiotics ineffective. Health ministers from 12 countries of the region agreed to improve the way information on antimicrobial resistance is collected and shared to guide effective policies and actions; to strengthen and harmonize how they regulate the production, sale and use of antibiotics and other antimicrobial medicines; and to take innovative approaches to stimulate research and development of new antibiotics, diagnostic tests, vaccines and other technologies. The decision was taken at the Meeting of Health Ministers on Antimicrobial Resistance held in Tokyo recently. Rapid economic development and socio-demographic and cultural changes, coupled with the health status, puts the population of the Asia Pacific region at higher risk for emerging drug-resistant infections, evident by the spread of multidrug resistant strains of malaria and tuberculosis.

“”Antimicrobial resistance is a threat to global security and economic stability. It is a looming health and economic crisis that requires both global and local solutions. Since drug resistant genes can travel, countries with higher levels of economic and social organization have a stake in the success of measures taken by less developed countries. In the fight against antimicrobial resistance, we are only as strong as the weakest link,”” Dr Poonam Khetrapal Singh, WHO Regional Director for South-East Asia, told ministers at the meeting.

“”Antibiotic resistance is one of the biggest threats to human health today. Having effective antimicrobials is also critical to the social and economic development of nations. We have a limited window of opportunity to take action and avoid a post-antibiotic era. WHO is supporting countries across the Asia Pacific region to take critical steps to preserve the effectiveness of these life-saving medicines. We must strengthen health systems’ response and cooperation with the agriculture sector to contain this threat, and improve understanding of the problem among the public. The Tokyo meeting has provided a platform to move forward with this important agenda,”” said Dr Shin Young-soo, World Health Organization (WHO) Regional Director for the Western Pacific.

Ministers acknowledged that antimicrobial resistance is a by-product of system failures—from regulation of medicines to agricultural and trade controls—and strengthening these systems is a critical component of the Sustainable Development Goals. They agreed on the need for urgent action to raise awareness across all sectors of the need for responsible use of antibiotics. The region’s health ministers pledged to take a multi-sectoral approach, with effective governance mechanisms, to enable all stakeholders to work collectively and effectively. Accelerating progress towards universal health coverage—to ensure people across the region have equitable access to quality health services, including the prevention and control of infections and rational prescribing of antibiotics—was another key initiative emphasized and agreed upon by ministers.

WHO has called for urgent collaboration to slow down antimicrobial resistance and avoid a post-antibiotic era—in which minor wounds and injuries could be life- threatening, and treatments longer and more costly, causing economic hardships to families, societies and countries. The World Health Assembly in 2015 endorsed a Global Action Plan on Antimicrobial Resistance. In line with this, WHO is supporting countries in the Asia Pacific region to develop national action plans. Priority areas include: improving awareness and understanding of the problem; strengthening surveillance of infections in humans and animals which are resistant to antimicrobials; reducing the incidence of infections; promoting rational use of antibiotics in all sectors; and promoting investments in research.

Ministers or senior officials from Australia, Bangladesh, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Republic of Korea, Thailand and Viet Nam, and representatives of WHO and other partner organizations attended the meeting.“

“

Article123.pngThe sudden announcement of new BJP chiefs in UP, Karnataka, Punjab and Arunachal Pradesh during the Hindu New Year earlier this month is a pointer to gearing up its loins for next year’s assembly elections particularly in the crucial state of Uttar Pradesh. The strategy is to tap the other backward classes through those having strong Sangh moorings.  Attention will be concentrated in the country’s most populous state of UP which provides the maximum number of 80 seats in the Lok Sabha and 31 in the Rajya Sabha where the BJP-led NDA is in a minority. This is proving to be a major handicap for the centre in passing critical legislation for giving an impetus to economic growth. The pledge of “aache din aane wale hai” has taken a back seat because it has been a huge let down for the people even as the Narendra Modi government is about to complete two years in office. Barring Assam, where the voting in the assembly election has been completed, the democratic process will be on till  May 16  in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and the lone union territory of Puducherry.

The counting is fixed for May 19 when the results will be announced. The four states and Puducherry account for 51 seats in the Rajya Sabha. It is not a small number considering that the strength of the House of Elders is 250.After facing a humiliating defeat in Delhi and the battleground state of Bihar in the cow belt last year, it is only in Assam that the BJP has any chance of winning, thanks to its creditable performance in the state during the 2014 general elections. In West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Puducherry the saffron brigade might end up among the also ran. This became all the more evident when BJP president Amit Shah launched a frontal attack against Tamil Nadu chief minister J Jayalalithaa asking the people to defeat the most corrupt chief minister lock, stock and barrel. As of now it appears Jayalalithaa, who considers Prime Minister Narendra Modi a good friend, stands a good chance of becoming the chief minister for a record fifth time. If she retains power, it will be for the first time in 27 years. In West Bengal the Lotus party has lost its vote share by more than half compared to the last general elections when it had touched 18 per cent. It was the Hindi heartland and in particular UP which propelled the saffron brigade in securing a majority of 282 seats in the Lok Sabha for the first time since it was formed in 1980.

BJP’s UP show in 2014 polls

The BJP managed to win a mind boggling 71 out of 80 seats in the Lok Sabha from UP. Its allies won two which boosted the NDA’s tally to 73 setting a new benchmark. The BJP and the RSS activists had succeeded in polarising the votes. Can it be repeated nearly 36 months later in the assembly elections in UP next year. That is where the catch is. The situation remains fluid with the SP at the helm of affairs in Lucknow. People are disappointed with chief minister Akhilesh Yadav literally running a police raj. BSP Supremo Mayawati sees a great opportunity and is digging her heels in. She has been the only woman Dalit former chief minister of UP. The disillusioned people in the state particularly the MY (Muslim and Yadav) combine might be inclined to swing towards the BSP as she has ensured maintenance of law and order during her stewardship of the state in the past. She has assured the people that she will not indulge in building memorials for backward and oppressed icons like Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar, her mentor Kanshi Ram or even herself. She will focus on allround development and bettering the life of the down trodden and the poor.

BJP takes calculated gambit

In a calculated gambit, the BJP brass has zeroed in on Keshav Prasad Maurya as the new BJP chief of UP. He is an MP from Phoolpur after having lost two assembly elections. This constituency was represented by the country’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Maurya is expected to boost the party’s hardline Hindutva agenda and reach out to the non-Yadav backward castes in UP. His elevation over several other senior leaders comes as a surprise. Maurya can be a liability for the BJP as he faces charges in 10 criminal cases including murder, promoting enmity between groups, hurting religious sentiments, criminal conspiracy and rioting. BJP spokespersons have downplayed Maurya’s criminal background saying that the cases were “”politically motivated”” during his activism and participating in andolans. He belongs to the most backward caste among the OBCs and has been part of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad for more than a decade. The BJP drew pointed attention to lacking a leader from the Maurya caste. He sold tea and newspapers during his childhood which rings a loud bell with Modi having taken that route and risen to become the country’s chief executive. It is also aimed at building leaders among the intermediate castes.

The Congress reacted sharply criticising the Lotus party for nominating a “”tainted”” person with a criminal background which had exposed their true nature. It regretted that the BJP has not been able to find a single face having a clean image in UP. With assembly elections also due in Punjab next year, the BJP zeroed in on union minister Vijay Sampla sending shock waves among those jostling for the post. His impact in the state will be marginal because the BJP’s fortunes remain tied to that of the Akali Dal. He hails from a poor family and has worked as a labourer in Jallandhar and later in the Gulf. A Dalit, Sampla had struggled to become a sarpanch and since then has gone on to become an MP and union minister. First and foremost he will seek a larger share of seats from the SAD in next year’s assembly elections in Punjab. B S Yeddyurappa makes another comeback as the chief of the Karnataka BJP. A prominent Lingayat face, credit goes to him for forming the first BJP government in Bengaluru in the South. He was earlier forced to resign as chief minister over graft allegations and quit the party to float his own political outfit which failed to make any mark.

He is currently representing Shimoga constituency in the Lok Sabha having returned to the BJP ahead of the 2014 general elections. His main task is to uproot the Congress government in Karnataka. Assembly elections are due in the state in the first half of 2018. Former MP Tapir Gao, who has been made President of the Arunachal Pradesh BJP, is the only person without any Sangh moorings and relatively unknown K Lakshman picked as chief of the Telengana party unit.

(The writer is a senior journalist and commentator. The views expressed are personal.)”

“

Article122.pngWith nearly five-decade old warm and close Cuba-India ties when Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) was very much talked about in global affairs, Cuban Ambassador to India Oscar J. Martinex Cordoves said that India can contribute substantially in the economic development of the communist island. Mr. Cordoves named the areas like IT, biotech, non-conventional energy, pharmaceuticals and tourism where India can play a leading role in developing trade and business ties with Cuba.

Talking to media-persons here on Thursday, the Cuban envoy who took up his diplomatic assignment in New Delhi only a few months ago, said that Indian political establishment and people have a lot of goodwill and support for Cuba from the days of Fidel Castro and Indira Gandhi which could go a long way in expanding ties in all spheres.  “”As Indian economy remains a bright spot in the world and promises to grow rapidly, Cuba can benefit from it and also be India’s gateway to the Latin American region,”” he said.

Last month, Cuba witnessed a historic visit to Havana by U.S. President Barack Obama, first by an American president in the past eight decades. A month later, from April 16 to 19, the 7th Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba was held in Havana which took note of President Obama’s visit but remained critical of the US, doubting that it would undermine the Communist revolution. The Cuban Ambassador said that it was “”very brave”” of President Obama to undertake the visit to Havana and urge people to move forward, forgetting the past and history. “”But it is not easy, we are still badly affected by the blockade and sanctions,”” he said.

“”It is a long and difficult process to get to normalize relations where Cuba demands the lifting of economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed more than half a century and despite the intentions of President Obama, is still in full force,”” he said. He also reiterated the demand for the return of the island, the illegally occupied territory by the US in the Guantanamo naval base, against Cuba’s will for more than a century.

Mr. Cordoves said that Cuba wants to have an efficient economy based on the concept that socialist is a society of equal opportunities for all with social justice. He said that free health care and education system had been much appreciated the world over. He said that Cuban economy has to contribute to the essential material support to enable the socially just distribution of wealth. The strategic objective of the Cuban model is to promote a socialist society which is sustainable in economic, social and environmental aspects and committed to ethical, cultural, and political values forged by the Revolution.

The envoy said the young generation in Cuba wants to benefit from modern technology, telecom and internet in a collective way. He said the Cuban Communist Party congress also assessed that the next five years until 2021 would be decision for Cuba as the period would be gradual transition to hand over main responsibilities of the country to the new generation of Cubans. Cuba also needs to develop more economic special zones and encourage the vibrant private sector so that economy performs well on all parameters which is essential for social and equitable growth, he said.

The Cuban envoy said that India had extended a line of credit to Cuba three years ago and on its basis some projects had been taken up. He said that tourism was a thriving sector in Cuba and his country would encourage Indian tourists who are known to be avid globe trotters to visit the island which would also give a boost to its economy. In 2015 nearly 3.5 million foreign tourists had visited Cuba, showing a rise of 20 per cent over 2014 figures. Cuba-India bilateral trade has been rather low, about 38 million US dollars in 2013-14.”

“

Article126.png”” alt=””Article126″” />The Ministry of External Affairs has revoked the passport of liquor baron Vijay Mallya who is said to be in U.K. for the past one month. He is facing legal proceedings for alleged default of bank loans to the tune of Rs. 9,000 crores. “”Having considered the replies furnished by Vijay Mallya to the show cause notice, factors brought by Enforcement Directorate, and non-Bailable warrant under the PMLA Act, 2002, issued by Special Judge, Mumbai, the MEArevoked the passport of Mallya under Section 10 (3) (c) and 10(3)(h) of the Passports Act, 1967,”” MEA spokesperson Vikas Swarup said on Sunday.

The Ministry had earlier reiterated that the Central government was committed to get Mr. Mallya back home to face justice. It had also consulted legal opinion on the reply given by Mr. Mallya’s lawyer to the show-cause notice issued to him. “”We are considering steps for Mr. Mallya’s deportation,”” Mr. Swarup had said on Friday. Last week, the MEA had suspended Mr. Mallya’s passport in accordance with the advice of the ED.

The Enforcement Directorate had asked the MEA to revoke Mr. Mallya’s passport for non-cooperation in the ongoing probe against him. He had ignored the summons issued by the ED on three earlier occasions and failed to present himself before the investigating agency. The former boss of the now defunct Kingfisher Airlines and a Rajya Sabha member faces a stiff legal battle ahead as the NDA government has given enough indications that it would take all steps to recover loans taken from various banks and bring him to justice.”

“

Article125.png”” alt=””Article125″” />More women are likely to accept contraceptive methods post an induced abortion or post abortion care, a study has shown. As high as 81 per cent of the women accepted modern contraceptive methods immediately post abortion, the study says. This study “”Associations Between Abortion Services and Acceptance of Postabortion Contraception in Six Indian States”” highlights the prevalence and attributes of post abortion contraceptive acceptance from 2,456 health facilities in six states, among 292,508 women who received abortion care services from July 2011 through June 2014.

Of the 81% women who accepted modern contraception immediately after abortion: 53% prefer short-term methods like oral contraceptive pills, condoms and injectables, 11% intrauterine devices, and 16% sterilization, according to the study authored by Sushanta K. Banerjee, SumitGulati, Kathryn L. Andersen, Valerie Acre, JanardanWarvadekar, and DeepaNavin. Women receiving induced abortions or post abortion care are at high risk of subsequent unintended pregnancy, and intervals of less than six months between abortion and subsequent pregnancy may be associated with adverse outcomes.

Further, post abortion contraceptive acceptance increased from 68 percent in the first month of the intervention to 88 percent towards the end of the intervention period, suggesting that program improvements and post-training provider support visits to health facilities likely helped integrate post abortion contraception into comprehensive abortion care. Says Dr. Sushanta Banerjee, Senior Advisor, Research and Evaluation, Ipas Development Foundation: “”Post abortion contraception is an integral component of comprehensive abortion care services. It needs to be seen as a part of the package of services for women seeking safe abortion services rather than a standalone intervention. It provides an opportunity for a CAC trained provider and the woman to discuss her ability to effectively manage her reproductive choices. It also offers a unique opportunity for counseling on management of future pregnancies and prevention of unplanned pregnancies as per her health and convenience.””

Postabortion contraceptive acceptance was highest among women who were aged 25 years and older, received first-trimester services, received induced abortion, and attended primary-level health facilities. Comprehensive service-delivery interventions, including ensuring availability of skilled providers and contraceptive commodities, offering clinical mentoring for providers, identifying and addressing provider bias, and improving provider counseling skills, can increase postabortion contraceptive acceptance and reduce unintended pregnancy, the study says.

In India, Ipas Development Foundation (IDF) collaborates with state health systems to reduce maternal mortality and morbidity resulting from unsafe abortion by implementing a comprehensive abortion care model to improve access to safe abortion services at all levels of health facilities (primary, secondary, and tertiary) in rural and urban areas. The comprehensive abortion care (CAC) model is integrated into the health system, and interventions are characterized by training of providers, facility preparation, post-training provider follow-up and mentoring, monitoring of performance data, community-level education, and advocacy.

This study was conducted in six Indian states where IDF collaborated with state governments between July 2011 and June 2014. These are Maharashtra from the western region, Madhya Pradesh and Uttarakhand from the central region, Rajasthan from the northern region, and Bihar and Jharkhand from the eastern region. These states contain 33 percent of the country’s population and account for an estimated 27 percent of the total number of annual induced abortions.

During the three-year study period, 292,508 women received abortion services from 2,456 IDF supported health facilities in six states. As many as 37 percent women were aged 24 years or younger, almost two-thirds of the women (65 percent) requested induced abortion services and the remaining 35 percent received treatment for incomplete abortion or post abortion complications. A large majority received abortion services in the first trimester (91 percent) and only 2 percent in the second trimester. Gestational age was missing for 7 percent of cases, primarily among women who presented with incomplete abortion.

Women predominantly underwent surgical abortion (83 percent), including manual/electric vacuum aspiration (MVA/EVA) (76 percent) or dilation and curettage (7 percent), while 15 percent received medical abortion (MA) using mifepristone and misoprostol. Because the IDF intervention was primarily focused on the public health system, the majority of abortion cases were recorded at public facilities (82 percent).

“”Woman centered CAC training is much more than training doctors on conducting the abortion procedure. It also includes training on contraceptive technologies, counselling, infection prevention, reproductive rights, management of complications etc. post abortion contraception is a critical component of safe abortion services. Ensuring availability of counselling services and access to contraceptive choices increases the chances of women accepting post abortion contraception services and thereby reducing future requirements of abortion services. If the woman seeks abortion because she could not get contraception, we have failed her. If she leaves without post abortion contraception, we have failed her again,”” says Dr Bannerjee.”

“

hrisikeshmukherjee.png”” alt=””hrisikeshmukherjee”” />Filmmaker Hrishikesh Mukherjee kept his films simple, based on middle class mores like his own. His comedies have provided rip roaring laughter and kept the audience regaled. Author Jai Arjun Singh makes it clear the book “”The World Of Hrishikesh Mukherjee”” is not a biography but an analysis of a creative person’s career. It reveals things about Hrishida, his influences and beliefs, how he interacted with people, the culture he came from and the circumstances he worked in. The director-editor-scriptwriter conceded that there was a lot of him in the movies he directed, some more than others. It is all about his life and personality. The book does not examine all the films that Hrishida directed or his biases. Essentially it is an enthusiast’s tribute to some of the things he finds most stimulating about Hrishida’s universe.

In a lot many ways this has been a journey of self discovery for the author. The emphasis is on themes and talking points by looking at specific films or sequences sometimes embellished with anecdotes. In the process several films like Mem Didi, Musafir, Anuradha, Alaap, Asli-Naqli and Ashirwad which may not ring many bells for casual or young viewers are discussed as are scenes or motifs from runaway hits like Gol Maal, Chupke Chupke, Mili, Abimaan, Anand, Bemisal and Guddi.

Hrishida’s directorial career spanned four decades. Initially when he came to Bombay in February 1950 he wondered aloud why should there be songs after every few scenes. It was perplexing as he loved music. It is one of the many contradictions in his personality. He spent the rest of his 56 years in the western metropolis never returning to live in his native West Bengal even though he had made a name in Calcutta. Going back was not an option.

To start with Hrishida worked for Bimal Roy in pivotal films like Do Bigha Zamin, Parineeta and Madhumati. Though his main role at that time was as editor, his work encompassed other areas like screenplay writing. He turned Salil Choudhury’s story about a rickshaw-wallah into a 24-page screenplay that would become Do Bigha Zamin. Despite the international influences of Roberto Rossellini, Vittorio De Sica, Kurosawa, the stories Roy dealt with were either rooted in Bengali literature and culture or about the issues facing a young nation state in its first decade after independence; the plight of voiceless farmers still trapped in an undemocratic world, caste discrimination, the class divide, the status of women. After having undergone his apprenticeship with Roy, Hrishikesh was ready to strike out on his own.

Almost throughout his career, Hrishida would make films that would fall into two categories: the sombre drama and the light hearted comedy. Hardly any one of his serious films was as solemn as Satyakam and hardly any of the light films as full bloodedly lunatic as Biwi aur Makaan. Beyond the out and out comedies there have also been films like Anand and Mili where the protagonist is suffering from a terminal disease but the film itself aims to a degree to comfort and reassure for lightness of touch. The author believes Hrishida’s films have always taken the side of young people, usually clear sighted and practical about change.

A notable feature of his cinema is the pointed contrast between two types of old men. The first is the stern, patriarchal figure who is rooted in an orthodox view of family and society, bent on enforcing rules and keeping young people in line. What is revealing is when Hrishida was low on motivation and creativity, he made earnest films that sometimes descended into pedantry, but when he came out of his depressed phase he did so spectacularly with Gol Maal. Many of Hrishida’s best films are about how minor transgressions may occur, how small battles may be won, within the boundaries of a society when roles tend to be predefined: where certain divides are very hard to bridge, family is sacrosanct, young people are expected to unconditionally ‘respect their elders’ (even when those elders are being unreasonable or behaving more immaturely than the youngsters) and women are permitted to dream only so long as those dreams don’t clash with their principal duties within the family structure.

Though Chupke Chupke may seem too frothy a work to even be discussed in such terms, look at its last scene. Family and community have been neatly reaffirmed: one married couple has been reunited, another young couple has just been wed, new bonds have been formed in the presence of approving elders, it has been established that everyone is comfortable middle class, that the person who shook up this society wasn’t really the driver, James, who is on the outskirts of this group.

On the face of it what can be more conformist than this, wonders the author. In the symbolism laden film Bawarchi, the narrative begins with a runaway cook (who can’t take any more of the bickering Sharma family) feeling guilty about the old man of the house not getting his morning tea. Raghu the multi-talented Bawarchi who replaces him, isn’t content cooking for the large clan; he must bring them together too.

Hrishida’s attention to detail, sympathy for people who might very easily have been caricatures, would continue throughout his career as a director. It is seen time and time again in comedy scenes where the comedians are not objects of mirth but well realised people who may be used to sharply comment on a situation, even when the framework is broad slapstick. Around the time of the Emergency when he was depressed Hrishida made high minded films like Arjun Pandit and Naukri about the state of the nation. Like some of his later works it has patches of shoddiness and an unfinished quality. However, at the end it provides a nuanced view of what patriotism and heroism can really mean.

A subject of some of Hrishida’s best films is how men and women move tentatively towards achieving parity in a relationship. How this happens not in a utopian world but within the assumptions of an often orthodox society where gender roles tend to be defined and ‘progressiveness’ doesn’t mean completely shaking up the status quo; it can mean something subtler, such as a man becoming more subtle, gradually becoming more sensitive to his wife’s inner life and learning new things about himself, his emotional dependence, his capacity for love, his own feminine side in the process.

The Amitabh-Jaya starrer Abhimaan is one of cinema’s finest depictions of threatened individuality and a marriage under pressure highlighted by good pacing, a gently mournful score (by Ravi Shankar) that acquires new depths the more you listen to it, and wonderful performances. Hrishikesh often spoke of wanting to do something off the beaten track. He threw up his hands and said: “”One’s attitude to life is often reflected in one’s art. I am basically a middle class man with middle class values, and I can make no other kind of film.””

Time and again the impression one gets of Hrishida, who to some degree or the other managed to retain his way of making movies right till the end, even as he thought himself to be a sell out. Happily others don’t have to be as conservative about Hrishida’s work as he himself was, observes the author. Some food for thought for movie buffs.

TR

(T R Ramachandran is a senior journalist and commentator.)
“

“

Article129.png”” alt=””Article129″” />Pakistan Foreign Secretary Aizaz Ahmed Chaudhry will lead Pak delegation to the Heart of Asia – Istanbul Process meeting which is being held in New Delhi on Tuesday. Sources in the government said that Indian Foreign Secretary Dr. S. Jaishankar is likely to a have a meeting with Mr. Chaudhry on the sidelines of the Heart of Asia conference which is purely Afghanistan-centric. It will be for the first time that the two Foreign Secretaries will be meeting since the January 2 Pathankot air base terror attack which India has blamed on Pak-based Jaish-e-Mohammad terror group, headed by Masood Azhar. Sources said the Dr. Jaishankar would raise the Pathankot terror attack issue with his Pakistani counterpart. Pak Foreign Secretary is also likely to have bilateral meetings with other delegations.

The 14-nation Heart of Asia grouping was established in 2011 and Pakistan has played an active role in it as a platform to discuss regional issues, including security, economic cooperation and connectivity among Afghanistan, its neighbours and regional countries with a view to promote lasting peace and stability in Afghanistan. Pakistan had hosted the fifth Heart of Asia Ministerial conference in Islamabad on December 9, 2015. Pakistan Foreign Office in Islamabad said, in a statement, that it looks forward to active participation in the senior officials meeting of the Heart of Asia process “”reflecting our commitment to efforts for promoting long term peace and stability in Afghanistan.””

Sources in the Pakistan High Commission said Mr Chaudhry is scheduled to travel to the Indian capital on Tuesday morning and return home in the evening. Pakistani High Commission said no bilateral meetings had been scheduled for Mr. Chaudhury with Indian officials. It is likely that he will have an informal interaction with his Indian counterpart S Jaishankar. A statement issued by the Foreign Office in Islamabad said the Pakistani delegation will “hold bilateral meetings with other leading delegations attending” the Heart of Asia meet.

A Pakistani Joint Investigation Team (JIT) had visited India this month to probe the attack in which seven security personnel were killed. The foreign secretary-level talks have been hanging by a fine thread though both sides have maintained that they have been in touch and the dialogue would be held at a mutually convenient date. Recently, Pakistani High Commissioner in India Abdul Basit stirred a new controversy, by saying that the talks had been “”suspended.”””