The Indian Navy’s Annual Theatre Readiness Operational Exercise (TROPEX) got underway on January 24. The month long exercise will have ships and aircraft of both the Western and Eastern Naval Commands, as also assets from the Indian Air Force, Indian Army and the Indian Coast Guard exercising together. The exercise is being conducted off the Western Seaboard. The last edition of the exercise was conducted in January 2015. 
 
TROPEX has grown in scale and complexity over the years and will see participation of major surface combatants and air assets of the Indian Navy including the aircraft carrier Vikramaditya, nuclear submarine Chakra, Landing Platform Dock (LPD) Jalashwa, the recently commissioned destroyer Chennai, the P-8I long range maritime reconnaissance and anti-submarine warfare aircraft operating alongside SU-30 MKI, Jaguars, AWACS, IL-78 Flight Refuelling Aircraft of the Indian Air Force and Infantry units of the Indian Army. The exercise will be conducted in various phases, both in harbour and at sea encompassing the various facets of war-fighting and combat operations. 
 
TROPEX 17 assumes special significance in the backdrop of the current security scenario. The exercise is aimed at testing combat readiness of the combined fleets of the Indian Navy, and the assets of the Indian Air Force, Indian Army and the Indian Coast Guard. It will also strengthen inter-operability and joint operations in a complex environment, according to Navy’s spokesperson in New Delhi.

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51pGapM0OVL._SX353_BO1204203200_”” alt=””51pGapM0OVL. SX353 BO1204203200 “” />The book “”Sikkim – Requiem For A Himalayan Kingdom”” is a well researched book by Andrew Duff, a freelance journalist based in London. It provides valuable insight into late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s thinking and her firm resolve and ruthlessness in annexing the tiny Himalayan Kingdom of Sikkim in 1975. 

Against the backdrop of a Cold War machinations in Asia, the author recounts the last days of this landlocked Kingdom and the inside story of its last King Palden Thondup Namgyal along with his American wife Hope Cooke who together believed they could revive the ancient Kingdom. 

As the then head of Government, Gandhi had used her intelligence services to shatter their dreams surrounding the Palace with troops in capital Gangtok and making Sikkim the 22 state of the Union of India. 

Duff was fascinated by Sikkim thanks to his paternal grandfather having trekked from Darjeeling to Sikkim and found the hills captivating and breathtaking. “”Notes on a ten day circular route into the Sikkim Himalayas tour in October 1922″” that his paternal grandfather had written fascinated the young Scot. He decided to retrace his grandfather’s journey to Sikkim. 

It was in the 1980s Duff journeyed to the beautiful hilltop monastery of Pemayangtse when he was a teenager living in Edinburgh. From there over a period of time he travelled through Nepal into Tibet where he began to comprehend the delicate political and religious connections and tensions between the countries across the Himalayan region. 

But it was Sikkim’s tale that obsessed the author. He learnt that Sikkim’s ties to Tibet and its position alongside the biggest chink in the Himalayan massif had made it geopolitically valuable for centuries. 

The British involvement in Sikkim and Tibet in the early twentieth century had set up many of the Kingdom’s problems. After the British left in 1947, the Himalayan region had been at the centre of a period of international intrigue across Asia, a second front for the Cold War. Sikkim never stood a chance of being independent. 

Duff managed to have first hand, contemporaneous accounts of the years from 1959 to 1975 during which Thondup and Queen Cooke or Gyalmo had tried to reinvigorate the Kingdom of Sikkim. In all this Tibet’s occupation of China since 1950 cannot be overlooked. It was important to understand the motivations of Indira Gandhi, who was Prime Minister from 1966 to 1977 and then again from 1980 to 1984 which remained critical in telling the story of the Kingdom. 

Sikkim is a cautionary tale of what can happen when a small Kingdom tugs at the tailcoats of the Great Powers. Thondup, a shattered man after the annexation of Sikkim, died in 1982 but Cooke moved to New York. In 1835, the British had secured a permanent presence in the region by persuading the Chogyal at that time, Thondup’s great grandfather to sign over a small ridge of Sikkimese land, Darjeeling, nominally as a sanatorium or hill station. 

The initial deal was undoubtedly underhand but by the time the Chogyal and his advisers realised they had been misled, it was too late. They lodged a formal complaint to Calcutta who accepted in 1846 that Darjeeling had been acquired in a very questionable manner but by then the town was already a thriving hub of commercial activity in the hills. 

For the British it was the start of a concerted effort to open up trade through the land route that they had discovered lay alongside Sikkim: the Chumbi Valley. 

Following the annexation of Sikkim the official press organ in Sikkim, with Thondup’s knowledge, put out an angry piece emphasising what they called India’s ‘fascist policy’. On December 14, 1950, five days before the Dalai Lama fled Lhasa, Thondup’s father, Sir Tashi, finally signed a new treaty formalising the arrangement between India and Sikkim. Given the worsening situation in Tibet no one was under any illusion about the strategic rationale behind the terms. 

Sikkim’s status as a protectorate of India was confirmed; Sikkim would enjoy autonomy in regard to its internal affairs while the government of India would remain ‘responsible for the defence and territorial integrity of Sikkim’ with the right to station troops there. The government of Sikkim was to have no dealings with any foreign power. 

It was in 1974 that things began to take shape leading to the annexation of Sikkim the next year in 1975. India’s worry was apparent with China having taken control of Tibet which was Sikkim’s immediate neighbour in the North. This tiny 70 miles by 40 miles territory was definitely being eyed by China which could have been gobbled up by the Dragon given its expansionist designs. 

Listening to the late night broadcast over All India Radio on August 29, 1974, Thondup and his adviser Jigdal Densapa could hardly believe their ears. The report stated that Gandhi intended introducing  an “”Amendment Bill”” to the Indian Constitution in the Lok Sabha aimed at converting Sikkim into an ‘associate state’. 

Just six days prior to this, then External Affairs minister Swaran Singh had written a letter to Thondup that they “”were looking into the legal and constitutional implications””, a draft bill had been prepared and Parliamentary time had been found for it to be discussed. The government was mistaken if it thought that the bill could slip through without any adverse reaction. 

The Hindustan Times newspaper was vehement in its criticism of the government’s actions. In a leading article entitled “”Kanchenjungha, Here We Come”” was accompanied by a cartoon “”The Autumn Collection!”” that depicted Indira Gandhi sashaying in a long Himalayan dress emblazoned with the word “”Sikkim””. The accompanying article was no less harsh and the newspaper’s respected editor B G Verghese, who died recently, was sacked within hours of the newspaper hitting the stands in the morning. The article embarrassed the government no end. It observed “”If it is not outright annexation, it comes close to it. To suggest anything else would be self deception and compound dishonesty with folly…..The worst suspicions about the manner in which the protector has seduced its helpless and inoffensive ward, with some genuine and much sympathetic drama, will not find confirmation. No country or people voluntarily choose self-effacement, and the Indian government is not going to be able to persuade the world that Sikkim’s “”annexation”” to India represents the will of the Sikkimese people. Indeed this issue has never been placed before them.””   

Many Sikkimese felt that India’s “”sense of justice”” had now been casually cast aside. What had started as a movement for democratic change within Sikkim had been hijacked and now threatened the very existence of Sikkim itself. Even as Gandhi assured that Sikkim’s ‘distinct personality”” will be respected, she pointed out that the Act was merely a response to a request from the leader of a democratically elected Assembly. The Indians had done their preparation well. 

Duff’s book is absorbing. A disappointed and dejected Thondup died in 1982. His old friend Nari Rustomji wrote in an obituary “”Sikkim’s existence for the rest of the world was a non-event. His (Thondup’s) principles might have been unrealistic and all wrong but he was not prepared to the very last to compromise with them. He was intoxicated by the passion for his land and his people.””

TR

(T R Ramachandran is a senior journalist and commentator.)
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In a rather interesting development, the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India[ASSOCHAM] has urged the Government to reduce the customs duty on seafood and chicken to bring down food inflation and meet the growing demand for these food articles.

In its pre-Budget memorandum on indirect taxes submitted to the Centre, the organization said the custom duty of 30 per cent imposed on chilled and frozen sea food was too high and it should be brought down to 10 per cent.
Local fisheries will not get affected in any way by the imports since the domestic production of sea food was much below the demand, it said.
“High import duty makes it unviable to bring in a variety of sea food products available globally which shall reduce food inflation tremendously and provide much-needed proteins to Indians at cheap cost,” said Mr D.S. Rawat, secretary general of ASSOCHAM.

On poultry imports, the chamber has suggested to the Central Government to reduce customs duty on chilled and frozen chicken meat to 20 per cent.
The move, Mr. Rawat said, was unlikely to destabilise the Rs 40,000 crore Indian poultry industry because majority of Indian market preferred live poultry over frozen food. “Though chicken is a basic non-vegetarian food, but import duty on chicken products is as high as 100 per cent. As such, India is not able to import chicken,” highlighted the ASSOCHAM recommendation.

Considering that prices of chicken produced in India are mostly much higher than that in rest of the world as its cost is decided upon its production, ASSOCHAM appealed that it should be based on international prices. “This shall have huge impact on food inflation,” it said.

The memorandum noted that demand for frozen chicken and sea food are likely to grow steadily because of factors like growing affordability, rising health consciousness, increasing consumer awareness and with more women getting into jobs.”

With several cases of malnutrition and under nutrition reported in children across media platforms in India, there has been a marked shift in policy interventions related to the improvement of nutrition level in the past few years. The government with its schemes and strategies tried to better the scenario with programs like Integrated Child Development Services, National Family Health Surveys, National Food Security Act 2013, and Mid-Day Meal schemes. But all of that met with limited success. Further, it is common knowledge that cases of malnutrition and under nutrition not reported and not known far outnumber the ones reported. The root of the problem lies in the lack of availability of proper data.Hence, the above plans showed little results with selective execution.
Why Nutrition Survey
To highlight the poor condition “Global Nutrition Report 2016” outlined the ranking of countries from lowest to highest on stunting (low weight for age) India ranked 114 out of 132 countries i.e. poorer than Nepal and Bangladesh. On wasting (low weight for height) India ranked 120 out of 130 countries. As per India Health Report: Nutrition 2015, over 38 per cent of children in India have stunted growth.
The need of the hour is to have more inclusive and targeted surveysat a regular basis with better implementation practices for the policies in India. It is to be noted that Comprehensive Nutrition Surveys in most developed countries are conducted in every three years. For instance, government of Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in association with UNICEF conducted Comprehensive National Nutrition Surveys in 2009 and 2012. Taking a step in this direction the government of India with its Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and Ministry of Statistics and Program Implementation joined hands with UNICEF India to conduct a ‘Comprehensive National Nutrition Survey’ (CNNS).
Comprehensive National Nutrition Survey – a break from past
The CNNS coming after the three National Family Health Surveys (NFHS) holds importance especially when the last NFHS conducted was in 2005-06. And ever since, India hasn’t had any comprehensive national survey on nutrition. In fact, Ex-PM Dr. Man Mohan Singh called it a ‘national shame’ while launching the `Hungama’ report. Prime Minister Narendra Modi said child malnutrition would be tackled on a ‘mission mode’. However, there is still clear lack of data to suggest the action being taken.
The 3rd NFHS which stated “Young children in India suffer from some of the highest levels of stunting, underweight, and wasting observed in any country in the world, and 7 out of every 10 young children are anemic.Although poverty is an important factor in the poor nutrition situation, nutritional deficiencies are widespread even in households that are economically well off. Inadequate feeding practices for children make it difficult to achieve the needed improvements in children’s nutritional status, and nutrition programs have been unable to make much headway in dealing with these serious nutritional problems.”
What is CNNS?
The CNNS started out in March 2016 with an aim to cover 1.20lakh children in the age-group of 0 to 19 years. “CNNS is a multidisciplinary survey that includes biochemical and nutritional samples. It even takes into account cognitive domain, anthropometric, household food security, water sanitation and socioeconomic features,” mentioned Jee Hyun-rah, UNICEF Nutrition Specialist.
As of now, the survey has been completed in around 10 States of India and it is expected that all States of India will be covered by the end of 2017. According to several health related organizations, there is an evident lack of data at present. There is no clear mechanism to monitor the levels of nutrition even when there are nutrition missions in place. For instance, in 2005 Maharashtra became the first State to launch a Nutrition Mission. It was followed by five other States namely Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Odisha, Gujarat, and Karnataka.This survey is expected to plug the loopholes and fill the gap that exists in government policies. It will take into account mineral and vitamin requirements, nutritional deficiencies like Vitamin A, Folic Acid, Zinc, and protein deficiencies.
CNNS includes measuring deficiencies in body mass, micronutrients, vitamins, minerals as well as worm infestations among children.“The survey will help create the right policy interventions to address the root cause of malnourishment,” said Hyun
Referring to the 2005-06 data of NFHS it was found that “almost half of children under the age of five years (48 percent) are chronically malnourished.” Also underweight children under five years of age are in the range of 20 to 60 per cent in different states. Sikkim and Mizoram faring well with around 20 per cent children underweight while Madhya Pradesh being worse off with 60 per cent. And that more than half (54 percent) of all deaths before age five years in India are related to malnutrition.
The way forward
With the current survey exercise in full swing in many districts, soon there shall be proper data for the state to plan and target its programs in a better way. That is if more data should lead to better implementation practices, more targeted policies and greater awareness. Now that the first step is taken, it should be followed with a restructured ICDS scheme, multi-sectoral approach and better coordination among various state agencies. Some recent steps in this direction like the setting up of Nutrition Rehabilitation centers at district and sub district level, vitamin A supplementation strategy in children for reduction in pneumonia and diarrhea related mortality, National Iron Plus initiative for control of anemia and others are laudable. But there is still a long way to go before we fully realize our directive principle of raising the level of nutrition as per article 47 and that the road to attaining the Sustainable Development Goals of zero hunger and good health and well-being still lies so far ahead.
S M UMAIR is an independent journalist.

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Several health groups and doctors advocating for healthcare have demanded urgent intervention of the government to end the nexus between hospitals, doctors and the industry that is resulting in exorbitant prices of life saving coronary stents. Government must immediately implement a legally binding code for marketing of health products including devices, they said in a statement issued here.

“We have consistently highlighted the unconscionable prices that patients across the country are paying for stents that are pushing patients and their families into increasing indebtedness or leaving them without life-saving treatment,” said Dr. Mira Shiva of the All India Drug Action Network (AIDAN). “The pricing data which was submitted by the industry to the NPPA has made it clear beyond doubt,” she said.

The analyses of industry data published by the National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority (NPPA) on its website, which show the massive margins charged at each step in the distribution and supply of stents. The data indicates that by the time the patient gets the stent, the increase from the original cost of the stent is often in the range of 1000-2000%.

“With the evidence of over-pricing now crystal clear, the government must act immediately to control the prices of these life saving devices” said Advocate Birender Sangwan. “There is a clear obligation under the Constitution for the government to fulfill the fundamental right to health and ensure the affordability of medical devices such as stents.”

The inclusion of coronary stents in the National List of Essential Medicines, which prompted the current efforts by the NPPA towards price fixation, arose from a petition filed before the Delhi High Court by Advocate Sangwan. In a second petition, also filed by Sangwan, which is pending before the same court, the Government has been directed to make a report to the Court after the ceiling prices have been notified. Even as the NPPA is examining different formulas to fix an affordable price for stents, industry lobbying to thwart these efforts appears to have increased in recent weeks.

The All India Drug Action Network, Alliance of Doctors for Ethical Healthcare, Third World network, Jan Swasthya Abhiyan and the National Working Group on Patent Laws have demanded. That the price fixation of coronary stents should be limited to two categories – Bare Metal Stents and Drug Eluting Stents – as instructed by the Department of Pharmaceuticals in its notification dated 21 December 2016. The ceiling prices fixed by the NPPA must meet the objective of ensuring true affordability and should be fixed on the basis of the CGHS reimbursement rates. 

Also, the government should act in the public interest and uphold fundamental right of right to health and not succumb to pressure from the industry or the medical establishment, and should develop standard treatment guidelines for cardiovascular interventions with the help expert doctors free from conflict of interest and implement medical audits of procedures.

 It also asked the Medical Council of India to investigate the professional misconduct of doctors, particularly office bearers of the Cardiological Society of India that have allegedly indulged in unethical lobbying. 

“Reports indicate that companies and industry associations are lobbying intensely for a ceiling price based on a simple average of hospital prices which will ensure that the profiteering continues unabated and hospitals can take huge cuts on the stents. There is an urgent need to fix the price at an affordable price that does not expose people to the exploitation of hospitals and stent manufacturers” alleged Malini Aisola of AIDAN, in a statement issued by the groups.

There are also attempts, primarily by foreign companies and cardiologists acting on their behalf, to exclude from price control the highest priced stents, which also happen to dominate the market, the statement said. The NPPA data also shows that the largest cut goes to the hospital, which can be as high as 650% more than the price at which the hospital purchases the stents from the distributor.

“We are extremely alarmed at the role that doctors and hospitals are playing in the exorbitant pricing of stents,” said Dr. Arun Mitra of the Alliance Of Doctors For Ethical Healthcare (ADEH). “While the government fixes the prices of stents, it must also take urgent action to investigate and haul up the medical establishment for corrupt practices and overcharging. A mandatory ethical marketing code that covers medical devices must be immediately implemented,” he added.

The issue of the high pricing of stents has also attracted the attention of the Rajya Sabha’s Committee on Petitions, which is undertaking its own investigation into the matter in response to a petition submitted by Sulagna Chattopadhyay.

“This whole sordid saga of high pricing at the expense of helpless patients has highlighted not only the importance of the price control of stents but also the lack of standard treatment protocols and as well as the high costs of medical procedures,” said Mr Chattopadhyay. “There must be a holistic regulation and rationalization of the treatments, medicines, medical devices and procedures available for heart patients without which the exercise of price control will be in vain.” “

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The Khadi and Village Industries Commission has taken up an initiative to revive all the Khadi institutions that had closed for want for adequate working capital and marketing support.

As of 2011, 267 Khadi institutions had got closed. Of them, 143 have been revived over the past three years and the remaining would also be soon brought on their feet in a phased manner. Announcing this, KVIC Chairman, V.K.Saxena, said a sum of Rs. 3.09 crore was released in 2014-15, Rs. 1.06 crore in 2015-16 and Rs. Rs. 3.08 crore in 2016-17 for the revival programme. The balance institutions would be revived in a phased manner.

Meanwhile, he said, 152 new khadi institutions have also been registered during the last two years – 89 in 2015-16 and 63 in 2016-17.

In addition on October 2 last year, to mark Gandhi Jayanti, KVIC launched  Ã¢Â€Â˜Khadi Institutions Registration and Certification Sewa’ (KIRCS), an online portal for Registration of new institutions and bringing more and more people to join the Khadi movement in rural areas. The portal has drastically reduced the time taken for registration of a new Khadi institution from an average of three years to a mere 45 days. 

As many as 143 new institutions have applied for registration for Khadi certification and production using the portal. This will not only boost the production of Khadi, but also expand employment opportunities at the door step in the rural areas and bring new Khadi artisans in the 

KVIC fold. (The writer is a Delhi-based freelance journalist.) “

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History is being made in Uttarakhand Assembly elections this time with incumbent Chief Minister, Congress’ Harish Rawat, entering the fray from two constituencies – Haridwar Rural and Kiccha in Udham Singh Nagar district – both in the Terai region. However, what has surprised many is Mr. Rawat’s decision to stay away from any of the seats in the hills. Incidentally, after becoming Chief Minister, Mr. Rawat chose Dharchula in Pithoragarh district, situated on Indo-China border, for the by-election.

Congressmen argue that Mr. Rawat decided to contest from the two seats in order to boost his party’s protests in two districts – Udham Singh Nagar where BJP has a strong support base, and Haridwar where there is a triangular fight between Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party and Bahujan Samaj Party. But people say Mr. Rawat not to contest from a seat in the Hills, either from Kumaon or Garhwal region, is not going down well in the state where majority population hails from the hilly areas.

Elections in Uttarakhand are interestingly poised as it is going to be a contest between Harish Rawat versus rest of the “important” leaders of the state with all now in the BJP ranks – from three Chief Ministers and now BJP MPs – B.C. Khanduri, Ramesh Pokhariyal Nishank, B.S. Koshyari to former Congress Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna. Even the patriarch of Uttarakhand politics, former UP and Uttarakhand Chief Minister N.D. Tiwari, is now a BJP “sympathizer”. BJP also has support of former Cabinet Ministers in the Harish Rawat government – Yashpal Arya, Harak Singh Rawat and Amrita Rawat.

In such a scenario, Harish Rawat seems to be facing a tough challenge as almost all the stalwarts of Uttarakhand politics representing three prominent regions of the state – Garhwal, Kumaon and Terai region – have ganged up against him. What is likely to make going tough for Harish Rawat is the fact that he is still considered a “Kumaoni” Chief Minister and not a “leader” of all Uttarakhandis. Moreover, all the nine Congress MLAs who revolted against him early last year hail from Garhwal region. So there is a strong undercurrent among people of Garhwal who feel that Mr. Rawat neglected his own MLAs and also the Garhwal region. All these factors are going trouble the incumbent Chief Minister.

Another important aspect of this election is Mr. Rawat’s heavy dependence on the Haridwar region to help improve Congress’ electoral fortunes. Mr. Rawat had represented Almora Lok Sabha seat prior to emergence of the Ram temple movement in the early nineties that catapulted BJP’s fortune in the hill state. After losing successive elections post 1991, Mr. Rawat shifted to Haridwar, where Muslims electorate are in good numbers, and won in 2009. But he failed to retain the seat for his wife Renuka Rawat in 2014 elections who contested on a Congress ticket.

Since taking over the responsibility of Chief Minister, Mr. Rawat has been nursing Haridwar region well. It is from this region that his wife, son and daughter were aspirants for MLA tickets. But under ‘one family, one ticket’ formula, he failed to secure tickets for his family members. Though it is another fact that Hardwar Rural constituency, which is one of the seats from where he is in the fray, was being nursed by his daughter Anupama. It is widely believed in the Congress that if Mr. Rawat wins both the seats, he will vacate Hardwar Rural seat for his daughter.

Haridwar region comprise over a dozen seats, and Congress’ good performance in this area could change fortunes of the party, though it will not be easy as BSP has been a good performer in the region and has been successful in bagging between three and eight seats since Uttarakhand came into being. In the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, BJP swept entire Uttarakhand except for the Haridwar Lok Sabha seat where the Congress was able to secure five out of 14 assembly segments. However, in a triangular contest in Assembly polls, no political pundit will hazard a guess on who is going to come out victorious.

Talking about Mr. Rawat’s “adventurism” to contest from two seats and also being the sole leader of the Congress to lead the entire election campaign in the state, political pundits remember Congress veteran N.D. Tiwari whose one fatal mistake in 1991 to contest from two seats – Nainital Lok Sabha and Haldwani Assembly constituency – in undivided Uttar Pradesh resulted in him losing out in the race for the Prime Minister’s post.

In 1991 elections, polls were held simultaneously for Lok Sabha and UP Vidhan Sabha. Mr. Tiwari representing Congress contested from Nainital Lok Sabha and Haldwani Assembly seat. In the era of Ram Mandir movement, people of Nainital district voted for the BJP in Lok Sabha while Haldwani voters sent Mr. Tiwari to Lucknow. The Congress went on to form the government in Delhi, while the BJP got the mandate in UP. Had Mr. Tiwari won Lok Sabha in 1991, he could have been Congress’ choice for the Prime Ministership ahead of P.V. Narasimha Rao. People fear that a similar confusion could arise in the minds of Kichha and Haridwar Rural voters, both held by the BJP, from where Mr. Rawat is in the fray. 

(Sandeep Joshi is Founder-Editor of Uttarakhand Panorama, a news portal dedicated to Uttarakhand.)”

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 Raking up the issue of exodus of Hindus from western Uttar Pradesh, Firebrand BJP leader and Gorakhpur MP Yogi Adityanath on Monday said if such situation continued this region would soon become “Kashmir”. “As Kashmiri Pandits were terrorized and forced to flee the Kashmir Valley and their properties were forcefully occupied, I foresee a similar scenario as Hindus are being forced to leave their properties behind and migrate,” Yogi Adityanath said while addressing election rally in Dhaulana/Pilkhuwa seat in Hapur district where four time BJP MP, Dr. Ramesh Chandra Tomar, is in the fray.

Yogi Adityanath said situation is very grim in entire western Uttar Pradesh, particularly in districts like Muzzafarnagar, Baghpat, Meerut and Ghaziabad. “BJP is committed to not let this happen anymore…We have lost Kashmir Valley, but we cannot let western Uttar Pradesh to become second Kashmir,” he said and urged Hindu voters to unite and support the BJP with their full might. He alleged that a ‘fatwa’ has been issued by Muslim clerics to support Muslim candidates, and said that this was a direct challenge to all Hindu voters who should unite and fight for their survival.

Targeting Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party, the BJP MP said Uttar Pradesh has lost its sheen and recognition in the last five years of rule of both the parties. Uttar Pradesh was lagging far behind in all spheres of development – economic, industrial, agriculture, education, health, infrastructure. He said while other parties have announced their manifestos, BJP has released ‘pledge document’ which is party’s commitment to take Uttar Pradesh to new heights and again bring it to national mainstream.  

“By sending Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Parliament from Varanasi, people of Uttar Pradesh has managed to redeem the political image of the state. Now by bringing BJP to power, people of Uttar Pradesh would end misrule and tyranny of Akhilesh Yadav, who has been rejected by his father and SP patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav. Voters will also reject Mayawati , a political opportunist, who is trying to make alliance of Dalits and Muslims, which was rejected by Bhim Rao Ambedkar at the time of Independence,” he added.  

Addressing the rally, BJP Dhaulana candidate Dr Ramesh Chandra Tomar said total anarchy prevailed under Akhilesh Yadav government where people lived in fear and women were looted and tortured. “BJP workers were tortured by police and false cases were slapped on them,” he said and accused sitting SP MLA for running his fiefdom in the constituency. Dr. Tomar urged Hindus voters to unite behind him as Muslims were doing on behest of their Maulanas (Muslim priests). “Do not Dhaulana convert into a Maulana constituency,” he said and urged all Hindu voters to unite and vote for the BJP.

Dr. Tomar, whose position got a boost with BJP’s former contestant, Y.P. Singh, joined the poll campaign, recalled incidents of Masuri and Pilkhuwa where Hindus were allegedly terrorized and police under instructions of local SP MLA did not take action against guilty. He said if voted to power he would reopen all cases of atrocities against the Hindus and put all the accused behind bars. He also promised to fulfill promises made to his electorate, particularly to the farming community which forms a major chunk of voters in Dhaulana constituency.”

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Banking at the doorstep will no longer remain a mere slogan but will become a reality due to huge postal network in the country, Union Finance MinisterArun Jaitley said in New Delhi on Monday while launching the operations of the India Post Payments Bank (IPPB). 

Mr. Jaitley along with Minister of Communications Manoj Sinha launched two pilot branches at Raipur and Ranchi through video conferencing. The Finance Minister said that  about 650 IPPB branches will be opened by September this year and that will have a multiplier impact as far as banking in India is concerned. 

He said that financial inclusion is critical for the socio-economic development of the country, but there are significant gaps in this area and a large proportion of country’s population remain unbanked or underbanked. IPPB will effectively leverage the ubiquitous post office network with its pan-India physical presence, long experience in cash handling and savings mobilization, backed by the ongoing project of IT-enablement, to bridge this gap in Financial Inclusion.

In his address, Mr. Sinha commended the hard work done by the Department of Posts in setting up the India Post Payments Bank and hoped that both organizations will work in tandem to take the benefits of government schemes and financial services that are not easily available in rural areas to customers across the country and to the marginalized population in urban and rural areas alike. He said, the objective of IPPB will be public service rather than promoting commercial interests.

B V Sudhakar, Secretary, Department of Posts, said that the IPPB is widely expected to be a game changer for financial inclusion in the country as the USP of this initiative is doorstep banking, particularly in the rural areas.

As mandated by the RBI, the India Post Payments Bank (IPPB) would focus on providing basic financial services such as all kinds of payments; including social security payments, utility bill payments, person to person remittances (both domestic and cross-border), current and savings accounts up to a balance of Rs 1 lac, distribution of insurance, mutual funds, pension products and acting as business correspondent to other banks for credit products especially in rural areas and among the underserved segments of the society.

Set up us a 100% Government of India owned Public Limited Company under the Department of Posts, it will open around 650 branches in district HQ locations. All 1.55 lakh post offices, including the 1.39 lakh of the rural post offices, will be mapped to the IPPB branch at the district headquarter and function as access points for IPPB which will usher in state of the art internet and mobile banking platforms, digital wallets and use innovative and emerging technologies to catalyse the shift from a cash dominant to a less cash economy.

While many other banks and financial institutions are working on the same theme, the USP of IPPB will be its ability to ease access and handhold the adoption of new age banking and payments instruments among citizen of all walks of life through the delivery by postmen and Grameen Dak sevaks, savings agents and other franchisees who will take banking to door steps. IPPB thus aspires to the most accessible, affordable and trusted bank for the common man with the motto – Ã¢Â€ÂœNo customer is too small, no transaction too insignificant, and no deposit too little”.

Given ‘in principle’ approval by the RBI along with 10 other aspirants in August 2015, IPPB received the Cbinet’s approval in June, 2016 and was incorporated as on Sept 17, 2106. Today it became the second payments bank to launch its operations. Having got its final banking license from the RBI on the Jan 20, 2017 it has commenced operations in record time of 10 days in partnership with the Punjab National Bank, after obtaining all necessary approvals and registrations from the RBI, NPCI.”

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CRISIL Foundation’s analysis of India Inc’s Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) activity last fiscal shows overall spending increased a significant 22%, with bulk of the money going into education, skills development, healthcare and sanitation initiatives. The average spending was up 29 basis points to 1.64% in 2016 as against the mandated 2%.

The Companies Act, 2013, encourages corporates to spend at least 2% of their average net profit of the past three years on CSR activities. In fiscal 2016, the second year of the CSR mandate, 1,505 companies, or 30% of the 4,887 listed on the Bombay Stock Exchange, met the criteria for mandatory spending. Of these, 77%, or 1,158 companies, reported on their CSR activity, compared with 1,024 companies or 75% of the 1,300 eligible in fiscal 2015. These 1,158 companies also spent a lot more money compared with fiscal 2015, which led to a 29 basis points improvement in average spending to 1.64% compared with 1.35% in fiscal 2015, moving closer to the 2% mandate, the analysis has suggested.

According to Ashu Suyash, Managing Director and CEO, CRISIL: “A standout feature of the last fiscal was about focus shifting to CSR outcomes. This is indeed the way to go, as underlined by the ‘Effective Altruism’ movement worldwide where, instead of doing what feels right, find the best causes to work on by using empirical evidence and analysis.”

A quick survey of corporates and implementing agencies threw up some interesting pointers to this end. Majority of the companies said they were open to collaboration for CSR activity, but finding the right partner, and structuring and reporting on such partnerships, were among the challenges. In absolute terms, the total money spent rose by Rs 2,500 crore to Rs 8,300 crore in fiscal 2016. Another Rs 1,835 crore needed to be spent for the average to achieve the mandated 2%. Of this, as much as Rs 5,300 crore – or Rs 1,175 crore more than fiscal 2015 — were spent on CSR activities linked to education, skills development, healthcare and sanitation, which are also the government’s priority areas.

Says Ramraj Pai, President, CRISIL Foundation: “This public-private partnership is great to see because, as a percentage of total government expenditure, India spends significantly less than what other BRICS nations do. So the private sector ramping up where government spending is low is truly synergistic CSR.”

The analysis further said there were 133 companies that either did not spend a dime, or were still freezing their CSR agenda. But even that is an improvement given that 200 companies were in the same boat in fiscal 2015. Of the 1,024 companies that figured in our analysis last year, 917 continued to meet the CSR criteria in 2016. Nearly two-thirds of them increased their CSR spend, while one-third reduced. Encouragingly, 56% of them spent 2% or more compared with 50% in fiscal 2015. In fiscal 2015, smaller companies had spent relatively more, but in fiscal 2016, the larger ones have done well with more than half of them adhering to the 2% mandate versus approximately a third previously. There were two reasons for the 22 percentage point jump in adherence by the larger companies: one, they are overcoming the challenge of large-scale interventions, which takes more time and effort. And two, they are using implementing agencies, mainly non-governmental organisations, for execution. Somewhat counter-intuitively, many smaller ones preferred going solo.”